Historical Background
Britain and France
had been at war for 7 years when, in June 1800, the French Republic’s
resident commissioner in London, Citizen Louis-Guillaume Otto,
lodged his government’s application for a safe-conduct for a French
voyage of discovery. It sought passports for two ships under the
command of Captain Nicolas Baudin ‘to continue the useful discoveries
which your navigators made in their voyages round the world’.
Though Otto’s official duty was to arrange the exchange of prisoners
of war, his office also provided a useful channel for informal
contacts between the two governments on other matters. Through
tact and diplomacy he had earned the esteem of Sir Joseph Banks,
President of the Royal Society, and other men of influence.
Prime Minister
William Pitt referred the request to the First Lord of the Admiralty,
Earl Spencer, for a decision; Spencer in turn called on his close
friend Sir Joseph for advice. Banks had already received through
Otto’s office a letter from his opposite number in Paris, Professor
Antoine-Laurent de Jussieu and his colleagues of the 'Institute
National' of France:
‘The 'Institute
National' is desirous that several distant voyages useful to
the progress of human knowledge should begin without delay.
Its wishes have been endorsed by our Government which has just
issued orders for the preparation as soon as possible of expeditions
led by skilful navigators as well as enlightened men of science,
and will approach the Government of your country for the necessary
passports or safe-conducts for our vessels.
The 'Institute
National' considers that it is precisely at the moment when
war still burdens the world that the friends of humanity should
work for it, by advancing the limits of science and of useful
arts by means of enterprises similar to those which have immortalised
the great navigators of our two nations and the illustrious
men of science who have scoured sea and land to study nature,
where they could do so with the greatest success.
We hasten to
beg you, as one of the most distinguished members of the commonwealth
of learning, to use your good offices with your Government with
that zeal which has always inspired you to work in the interests
of humanity, to renew those marks of respect for science which
our two nations have more than once given, and therefore to
secure the prompt despatch of the passports which will be requested…’
(de Beer, 1960).
The British government
could not tolerate the thought of a French settlement in New Holland,
least of all in wartime. Providentially, Lieutenant Matthew Flinders
RN provided the Admiralty with the opportunity to counter any
possible French duplicity with a genuinely scientific voyage of
its own. Flinders had returned home in September 1800, after five
years on the Port Jackson station, with a detailed proposal to
circumnavigate the continent, complete the survey of its coasts
(including the unknown southern coast - an estimated 950 - 1000
miles), and at the same time undertake a range of scientific investigations.
Flinders, like Baudin, did not present his proposal to the naval
authorities but to the country’s most influential scientist -
Sir Joseph Banks. He did not get to meet Banks until mid-November,
but from then on events moved with incredible speed. Within 3-4
weeks the voyage had been approved, and a ship - the former collier
Xenophon, renamed Investigator -had been selected
and slipped at Sheerness for a refit. Flinders was formally named
her commander on 19 January 1801, and sailed from Portsmouth on
18 July - nine months after Baudin’s ships had left Le Havre.
I (Mr Brown) have
covered the meeting of the two expeditions at Encounter Bay on
8 April 1802 elsewhere (Brown 1998; Brown 2000), and will not
go into details here. Before their meeting Baudin had surveyed
the west and north-west coasts, charting long stretches for the
first time, while numerous botanical and zoological specimens
were collected for the Paris Museum. He wintered at the Dutch
settlement at Koepang, West Timor, and sailed south for Van Diemen’s
Land in November. Unknown to him, Flinders was in King George
Sound when he passed far out to sea in early January. In Van Diemen’s
Land he charted Storm Bay, the Tasman Peninsula and the east coast
in greater detail than any previous navigator, and his scientists
gathered unique records of the way of life of the Tasmanian aborigines
- in the process laying the foundations for an Australian anthropology
(Plomley 1983).
Meanwhile Flinders
had surveyed the south coast from the Sound as far as Encounter
Bay - from the Bight eastward it was all land seen for the first
time by Europeans.
The encounter
(between Flinders and Baudin) passed off peacefully, although
with other commanders it might conceivably have been otherwise.
The Investigator carried two 18-pound carronades, six 12-pound
carronades, two 6-pound long guns, and two swivels (lngleton 1986).
The Géographe, according to her passport, was more lightly
armed, with eight 4-pound carriage guns and eight swivels. The
armaments were sufficient to repel a small privateer or pirates,
but not for a serious sea fight.
History’s judgement,
is always multi-faceted. It was left to Australians to give the
historical kaleidoscope a shake and a different picture formed.
Flinders’ resurrection began early, in the mid-nineteenth century,
with the colonial governments of New South Wales and Victoria
each voting a pension of £100 a year for his widow and her daughter
(Scott 1914); Baudin remained all but forgotten until the latter
part of the twentieth. Today, two centuries after their voyages,
the two captains can be honoured for their wide-ranging contributions
to the development of the sciences in Australia.
By his circumnavigation
Flinders confirmed the existence of the sixth continent. He planned
to call it Australia, writing to Banks from Mauritius:
‘The propriety
of the name Australia or Terra Australis which I have applied
to the whole body of what has generally been called New Holland
must be submitted to the Admiralty and then learned in geography’
(Ingleton 1986).
Banks did not
agree, preferring Terra Australis, and Australia did not come
into general use until the 1820’s. Flinders’ rough chart of
Terra Australis was completed on Mauritius in 1804, and was
received in England the following year; however, it was filed
in the Admiralty awaiting the compiler’s return in 1810 from his
detention, and his corrected General Chart was not published until
1814.
A lesser navigator
than Flinders, Baudin nonetheless kept his ships at sea off strange
coasts for more than two years without major mishap or damage
- an achievement in itself. He explored the west and north-west
coasts which Flinders did not visit, and was the first European
captain to circumnavigate Kangaroo Island. Louis de Freycinet’s
charts of the voyage appeared before Flinders’, and thus the French
were first to give the world a more or less ‘complete’ map of
the continent, with a few blanks remaining on the northwest coast
(Freycinet 1812).
In addition to
geographic discovery and hydrographic surveying, the two expeditions
shared similar scientific objectives - Battdin ‘to study the (country’s)
inhabitants, animals, and natural products ... and to (procure
specimens of) its useful animals and plants’ for introduction
into France’ (Cornell 1974); and Flinders to examine the continent’s
botany, zoology, and today, as the bicentenary of the two voyages
approaches, we can honour Baudin and Flinders for their contributions
to the development of the sciences in Australia. Together, their
discoveries contributed to significant advances in such varied
disciplines as anthropology and ethnography, botany, cartography,
geography, hydrography and oceanography, marine biology, naval
medicine, and zoology - not to mention the memorable fusion of
art and science in the drawings and paintings of Bauer, Lesueur
and Petit. These came at great cost, however - in any scientific
commemoration of their achievements, those who gave their lives
to the endeavour should not be forgotten:
Pierre
Francois Bernier
Astronomer (French)
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Ansehn
Riedlé and Antoine Sautier
Gardeners (French)
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Louis
Depuch
Mineralogist (French)
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René
Mauge and Stanislas Levillain
Zoologists (French)
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Peter
Good
Gardener (English)
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Ironically, all
seven died from the effects of dysentery and fever contracted
on the island of Timor, where the ships had called for R&R (Rest
and Recuperation) for the crews.
Science or Espionage?
This paper would
not be complete without some discussion of the vexed question
of espionage by the two expeditions. In the event, although both
Britain and France issued safe-conducts guaranteeing the safety
of the other’s ships in the name of science, the avowed scientific
objectives of both voyages were compromised by the strategic imperatives
of the war.
No evidence has
come to light implicating Baudin himself in spying on the British
settlement at Port Jackson, as later alleged by the Admiralty
(Quart. Review 1810) - indeed, his sailing instructions
excluded the east coast of New Holland from his itinerary, since
it was already well known from the work of English navigators.
On the other hand he was specifically directed to ‘sail the full
length of (D’Entrecasteaux) channel (in Van Diemen’s Land) to
ascertain whether or not the English have established a settlement
there’ (Cornell 1974).
To Decaen, busily
engaged in placing the island on a war footing following the renewal
of hostilities, the Englishman’s fortuitous arrival seemed doubly
suspicious - not only was his ship, the 29 ton schooner Cumberland,
a highly unlikely vessel for the commander of a voyage on
discovery, but his passport was for the 334 ton sloop Investigator.
Moreover, the Cumberland had spied on the Géographe
during her voyage through Bass Strait just 12 months before.
Placing Finders under temporary arrest as a suspected spy, the
General ordered the seizure and inspection of his logbooks and
papers. On examination these appeared to provide the proof he
needed.
In contravention
of his passport Flinders was carrying despatches from Governor
King to the home government, requesting inter alia additional
troops and armaments for the British colony - for defence against
any possible attack from lle-de-France and to ‘annoy the trade’
of the Spanish settlements in South America. Flinders denied all
knowledge of the contents, but for Decaen they bore out Péron’s
claims that his voyage had a military and strategic purpose. No
less damaging was the statement in Flinders' logbook that
at Ile-de-France he intended to ‘acquire a knowledge of the winds
and weather (and) the actual state of the French colony, and of
what utility it and its dependencies might be to Port Jackson’
- no more than the French had done at Sydney during the Peace
of Amiens, but military intelligence in wartime.
Mrs Ly-Tio-Fane
Pineo (1988) has argued, convincingly in my view, that Decaen
used Flinders’ release as a bargaining chip to secure his own
return to France after an inevitable British invasion of the island;
she writes ‘what is most probable is that the Captain-General,
an excellent strategist, must have demanded, in exchange for the
immediate liberation of the navigator, assurances for his own
freedom, should he ... be reduced to capitulate to an invading
force’. Certainly her thesis goes far to explain the events which
followed his release on parole in June 1810.
Flinders sailed
for Cape Town, where he expected to take immediate passage to
England. Instead he was ordered to report to Vice-Admiral Bertie,
the Commander-in-Chief, who was planning the invasion of Ile-de-France
and required information on the island’s topography, military
strength, defences, civilian morale, and other intelligence. Flinders
demurred, pointing out that this was contrary to his parole, but
gave in when Bertie insisted,
‘Conceiving
with me(!) that I was under no obligation to refuse any information
that might be required of me relative to that colony’.
Text © by:
Mr Anthony J Brown
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